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    Happy Independence Day, August 14, 2004 (updated and resurrected)

    This thread will serve as an Independence Day Folder. It is not open for discussion. It will only house articles and stories related to our Independence.

    Contribute articles, whether new or old, related to the struggle that led to the creation of Pakistan.
    Post articles about politicians who are universally respected in Pakistan.
    There is no limit to the length of the article, though it would be viewer friendly to keep them as concise as possible. If an article is too long, try to cut it down in episodes.

    Do not post anything regarding Pakistani Defence. We will do a seperate feature for that on Defence day, Sept 6.

    Lets put aside our political and/or ideological differences, and unite under the same flag.

    This thread will accept contributions till August 10, and after that will be available for viewing only.

    Contributions can be original, or from other sources, but dont forget to cite the source of the articles that you post. Lets make our nation's 55th birthday, a day to remember.

    #2
    Nice thread Akif
    Here is one small factoid.

    CHUHDARY REHMAT ALI, who gave Pakistan its name, was born in a village of Hoshiarpur district of Punjab. He matriculated from Jalandhar and graduated in 1919 from Islamia College, Lahore. In 1930 he left for England for higher studies in Law. He subsequently lived in England and died there.

    Chaudhry Rahmat Ali was the man who gave Pakistan its name in a booklet "Now or Never" which he wrote and published on January 28, 1933. 'P' of Punjab, 'A' of Afghani border(i.e. N.W.F.P.), 'K' of Kashmir, 'S' of Sindh, and 'tan' of Baluchistan were put together to name the still-to-be-created homeland of the Indian Muslims. this name soon caught the imagination of the multitudes and even the foreign newspapers began to call the proposed country by this name.

    Chaudhry Rahmat Ali came to Pakistan on a short visit and then went back to England. He died at Cambridge in February 1951.

    HISTORY OF PAKISTAN MOVMENT

    ------------------
    "#define QUESTION ((bb) | | !(bb))" ó Shakespeare
    I am only responsible for what I say, not for what you understand.

    Comment


      #3
      >> This thread will serve as an Independence Day Folder. It is not open for discussion. It will only house articles and stories related to our Independence



      [This message has been edited by Akif (edited July 22, 2002).]

      Comment


        #4
        Pakistan finds a balanced identity in democracy

        From the icy heights of K2 in the north, the world's second tallest peak, to the steamy southern plains of its Arabian Sea coast, Pakistan is a country whose turbulent 50-year-long search for identity is finally on the verge of bearing the sweet fruit of democracy.

        Born from the breakup of Britain's India in August 1947 as a somewhat contrived amalgam of conflicting sectarian interests, the "Land of the Pure" still serves its purpose as a homeland for the former colony's Islamic faithful.

        It is hard to say that this country has ever represented anything more to its 130 million citizens than a safe haven from Hindu domination. The death of Pakistan's founding father, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, in 1948 robbed the people of their chance to have the "Great Leader" stamp a vision, an identity on his creation.

        A quick look at the historical setting of independence, however, calls into question whether even Jinnah could have defined Pakistan's identity, other than pointing to its purpose as a lifeboat for Muslim self-rule after 1947.

        "You couldn't tell (the Indian independence leader) Nehru and Jinnah apart, except for religion," said South Asian specialist Dr. Leo Rose of the University of California, Berkeley.

        Fifty years on, Dr. Rose says Jinnah is merely "a nice name you can use" to answer the political needs of the moment.

        Since Jinnah's untimely demise, a procession of elitist military officers and prominent families have presided over Pakistan's fitful progress toward a democracy that may yet permanently bind the country's disparate groups.

        It would seem that Pakistan has two natural identities. Facing west there is Islam, whose adherents make up 98 percent of the country's population, and facing east there is India, the mortal enemy. Neither finds an easy home in the "Land of the Pure."

        Islam has built upon a South Asian cultural heritage that dates back 5,000 years to the Indus Valley civilization. It is not, according to Berkeley's Rose, unusual to find Muslim Pakistanis celebrating holidays with a basis in Indian culture, or observing the mores of the caste system that Islam supposedly abolished.

        The country does maintain strong links with the rest of the Islamic world, from Egypt to Indonesia, but the attachments are primarily based on an economic expediency or a common religious bond.

        On the other hand, Pakistan's conscious embrace of its South Asian identity is problematic because of the country's enmity with India. Full acknowledgment of the two countries' essentially identical cultural heritage would call into question Pakistan's very reason for existence.

        But, says Berkeley's Dr. Chris Candland, there is a "very well developed sense of Pakistan, with "no feeling that Pakistan is a growth or appendage of India."

        Pakistan is working to take full advantage of its position at the crossroads of the Middle East and East Asia. The country is aggressively pursuing trade with partners east and west.

        But business attitudes and world view are not what define Pakistan. The country's ongoing history of internal strife is the sore thumb that sticks out to the rest of the world.


        Caught in the balance between their living South Asian heritage and an enduring devotion to Islam, Pakistanis seem to have realized that self-affirmation through the democratic process is the only viable way to successfully express their nation's volatile mix of identities.



        ok i just ried to post a picture, but i think we are not allow to do that ?

        PAKISTAN INDEPENDENCE DAY VIDEO




        [This message has been edited by Jal_Pari (edited July 22, 2002).]

        Comment


          #5
          BACKGROUND TO PARTITION
          The concept of a separate Muslim "nation" or "people," qaum, is inherent in Islam, but this concept bears no resemblance to a territorial entity. The proposal for a Muslim state in India was first enunciated in 1930 by the poet-philosopher Muhammad Iqbal, who suggested that the four northwestern provinces (Sindh, Balochistan, Punjab, and the North-West Frontier Province) should be joined in such a state. In a 1933 pamphlet Choudhary Rahmat Ali, a Cambridge student, coined the name Pakstan (later Pakistan), on behalf of those Muslims living in Punjab, Afghan (North-West Frontier Province), Kashmir, Sind, and Balochistan. Alternatively the name was said to mean "Land of the Pure." (H.R.T.)

          BIRTH OF THE NEW STATE.
          Pakistan came into existence as a dominion within the Commonwealth in August 1947, with Jinnah as governor-general and
          Liaquat Ali Khan as prime minister. With West and East Pakistan separated by more than 1,000 miles of Indian territory and with the major portion of the wealth and resources of the British heritage passing to India, Pakistan's survival seemed to hang in the balance. Of all the well-organized provinces of British India, only the comparatively backward areas of Sindh, Balochistan, and the North-West Frontier came to Pakistan intact. The Punjab and Bengal were divided, and Kashmir became disputed territory. Economically, the situation seemed almost hopeless; the new frontier cut off Pakistani raw materials from the Indian factories, disrupting industry, commerce, and agriculture. The partition and the movement of refugees were accompanied by terrible massacres for which both communities were responsible. India remained openly unfriendly; its economic superiority expressed itself in a virtual blockade. The dispute over Kashmir brought the two countries to the verge of war; and India's command of the headworks controlling the water supplies to Pakistan's eastern canal colonies gave it an additional economic weapon. The resulting friction, by obstructing the process of sharing the assets inherited from the British raj (according to plans previously agreed), further handicapped Pakistan. (L.F.R.W.)


          THE TRANSFER OF POWER AND THE BIRTH OF TWO NATIONS
          British India in 1947, showing major administrative divisions, the distribution of the principal.
          Elections held in the winter of 1945-46 proved how effective Jinnah's single-plank strategy for his Muslim League had been, as the league won all 30 seats reserved for Muslims in the Central Legislative Assembly and most of the reserved provincial seats as well. The Congress was successful in gathering most of the general electorate seats, but it could no longer effectively insist that it spoke for the entire population of British India.

          In 1946, Secretary of State Pethick-Lawrence personally led a three-man Cabinet deputation to New Delhi with the hope of resolving the Congress-Muslim League deadlock and, thus, of transferring British power to a single Indian administration. Cripps was responsible primarily for drafting the ingenious Cabinet Mission Plan, which proposed a three-tier federation for India, integrated by a minimal central-union government in Delhi, which would be limited to handling foreign affairs, communications, defense, and only those finances required to care for such unionwide matters. The subcontinent was to be divided into three major groups of provinces: Group A, to include the Hindu-majority provinces of the Bombay Presidency, Madras, the United Provinces, Bihar, Orissa, and the Central Provinces (virtually all of what became independent India a year later); Group B, to contain the Muslim-majority provinces of the Punjab, Sind, the North-West Frontier, and Baluchistan (the areas out of which the western part of Pakistan was created); and Group C, to include the Muslim-majority Bengal (a portion of which became the eastern part of Pakistan and in 1971 the country of Bangladesh) and the Hindu-majority Assam. The group governments were to be virtually autonomous in everything but matters reserved to the union centre, and within each group the princely states were to be integrated into their neighbouring provinces. Local provincial governments were to have the choice of opting out of the group in which they found themselves should a majority of their populace vote to do so.

          Punjab's large and powerful Sikh population would have been placed in a particularly difficult and anomalous position, for Punjab as a whole would have belonged to Group B, and much of the Sikh community had become anti-Muslim since the start of the Mughal emperors' persecution of their gurus in the 17th century. Sikhs played so important a role in the British Indian Army that many of their leaders hoped that the British would reward them at the war's end with special assistance in carving out their own nation from the rich heart of Punjab's fertile canal-colony lands, where, in the "kingdom" once ruled by Ranjit Singh (1780-1839), most Sikhs lived. Since World War I, Sikhs had been equally fierce in opposing the British raj, and, though never more than 2 percent of India's population, they had as highly disproportionate a number of nationalist "martyrs" as of army officers. A Sikh Akali Dal ("Party of Immortals"), which was started in 1920, led militant marches to liberate gurdwaras ("doorways to the Guru"; the Sikh places of worship) from corrupt Hindu managers. Tara Singh (1885-1967), the most important leader of this vigorous Sikh political movement, first raised the demand for a separate Azad ("Free") Punjab in 1942. By March 1946, Singh demanded a Sikh nation-state, alternately called "Sikhistan" or "Khalistan" ("Land of the Sikhs" or "Land of the Pure"). The Cabinet Mission, however, had no time or energy to focus on Sikh separatist demands and found the Muslim League's demand for Pakistan equally impossible to accept.

          As a pragmatist, Jinnah, himself mortally afflicted with tuberculosis and lung cancer, accepted the Cabinet Mission's proposal, as did Congress leaders. The early summer of 1946, therefore, saw a dawn of hope for India's future prospects, but that soon proved false when Nehru announced at his first press conference as the reelected president of the Congress that no constituent assembly could be "bound" by any prearranged constitutional formula. Jinnah read Nehru's remarks as a "complete repudiation" of the plan, which had to be accepted in its entirety in order to work. Jinnah then convened the league's Working Committee, which withdrew its previous agreement to the federation scheme and instead called upon the "Muslim Nation" to launch "direct action" in mid-August 1946. Thus began India's bloodiest year of civil war since the mutiny nearly a century earlier. The Hindu-Muslim rioting and killing that started in Calcutta sent deadly sparks of fury, frenzy, and fear to every corner of the subcontinent, as all civilized restraint seemed to disappear.

          Lord Mountbatten (1900-79) was sent to replace Wavell as viceroy in March 1947, as Britain prepared to transfer its power over India to some "responsible" hands by no later than June 1948. Shortly after reaching Delhi, where he conferred with the leaders of all parties and with his own officials, Mountbatten decided that the situation was too dangerous to wait even that brief period. Fearing a forced evacuation of British troops still stationed in India, Lord Mountbatten resolved to opt for partition, one that would divide Punjab and Bengal virtually in half, rather than risk further political negotiations while civil war raged and a new mutiny of Indian troops seemed imminent. Among the major Indian leaders, Gandhi alone refused to reconcile himself to partition and urged Mountbatten to offer Jinnah the premiership of a united India rather than a separate Muslim nation. Nehru, however, would not agree to that, nor would his most powerful Congress deputy, Vallabhbhai Patel (1875-1950), as both had become tired of arguing with Jinnah and were eager to get on with the job of running an independent government of India.

          Britain's Parliament passed in July 1947 the Indian Independence Act, ordering the demarcation of the dominions of India and Pakistan by midnight of Aug. 14-15, 1947, and dividing within a single month the assets of the world's largest empire, which had been integrated in countless ways for more than a century. Racing the deadline, two boundary commissions worked desperately to partition Punjab and Bengal in such a way as to leave a majority of Muslims to the west of the former's new boundary and to the east of the latter's, but as soon as the new borders were known, no fewer than 10 million Hindus, Muslims, and Sikhs fled from their homes on one side of the newly demarcated borders to what they thought would be "shelter" on the other. In the course of that tragic exodus of innocents, some 1 million people were slaughtered in communal massacres that made all previous conflicts of the sort known to recent history pale by comparison. Sikhs, caught in the middle of Punjab's new "line," suffered the highest percentage of casualties. Most Sikhs finally settled in India's much-diminished border state of Punjab. Tara Singh later asked, "The Muslims got their Pakistan, and the Hindus got their Hindustan, but what did the Sikhs get?"

          (The following section discusses the history since 1947 of those areas of the subcontinent that became the Republic of India. For historical coverage since 1947 of the partitioned areas in the northwest and the northeast, see the articles PAKISTAN and BANGLADESH.)


          ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF PAKISTAN
          Mohammed Ali Jinnah died in September 1948, within 13 months of independence. The leaders of the new Pakistan were mainly lawyers with a strong commitment to parliamentary government. They had supported Jinnah in his struggle against the Congress not so much because they desired an Islamic state but because they had come to regard the Congress as synonymous with Hindu domination. They had various degrees of personal commitment to Islam. To some it represented an ethic that might (or might not) be the basis of personal behaviour within a modern, democratic state. To others it represented a tradition, the framework within which their forefathers had ruled India. But there were also groups that subscribed to Islam as a total way of life, and these people were said to wish to establish Pakistan as a theocracy (a term they repudiated). The members of the old Constituent Assembly, elected at the end of 1945, assembled at Karachi, the new capital.

          Jinnah's lieutenant, Liaquat Ali Khan, inherited the task of drafting a constitution. Himself a moderate (he had entered politics via a landlord party), he subscribed to the parliamentary, democratic, secular state. But he was conscious that he possessed no local or regional power base. He was a muhajir ("refugee") from the United Provinces, the Indian heartland, whereas most of his colleagues and potential rivals drew support from their own people in Punjab or Bengal. Liaquat Ali Khan therefore deemed it necessary to gain the support of the religious spokesmen (the mullahs or, more properly, the ulama). He issued a resolution on the aims and objectives of the constitution, which began, "Sovereignty over the entire universe belongs to Allah Almighty alone" and went on to emphasize Islamic values. Hindu members of the old Constituent Assembly protested; Islamic states had traditionally distinguished between the Muslims, as full citizens, and dhimmis, nonbelievers who were denied certain rights and saddled with certain additional obligations.



          [This message has been edited by Jal_Pari (edited July 22, 2002).]

          Comment


            #6
            Following is the timeline for the area that falls under Pakistani territory, dating back to 3000 BC. Source

            1. Indus Valley Civilization: 3000-1500 B.C. i.e. about 1500 yrs.

            2. Aryan period: 1500-522 B.C. i.e. about 978 yrs.

            3. Small semi-independent states: 522-326 B.C. i.e. about 196 yrs. Under the sovereignty of Iran's Kayani Empire.

            4. Conquered by Alexander and remained under his successor: 326-300 B.C. i.e. about 26 yrs, under Greek rulers.

            5. Province of Mauryan Empire which included Afghanistan: 300-200 B.C. i.e. about 100 yrs, under mostly Buddhist rule.

            6. Graeco-Bactrian period: 200-100 B.C. i.e. about 100 yrs.

            7. Saka-Parthian period: 100 B.C.- 70 A.D. i.e. about 170 yrs.

            8. Kushan rule (1st phase): 70-250 A.D. i.e. about 180 yrs.

            9. Kushan rule (2nd phase): 250-450 A.D. i.e. about 200 yrs.

            10. White Huns and allied tribes (1st phase): 450-650 A.D. i.e. about 200 yrs.

            11. White Huns (2nd phase--- mixed with other races): 650-1010 A.D. i.e. about 360 yrs.

            12. Ghaznavids: 1010-1187 A.D. i.e. 177 yrs. Part of Ghaznavid empire, separate from India.

            13. Ghorid and Qubacha periods: 1187-1227 A.D. i.e. about 40 yrs.

            14. Muslim period (Slave dynasty, Khiljis, Tughlaqs, Syeds, Lodhis, Suris and Mughals): 1227-1739 A.D. i.e. about 512 yrs.

            15. Nadir Shah and Abdali periods: 1739-1800 A.D. i.e. about 61 yrs. Iranian and Afghan sovereignty.

            16. Sikh rule (in Punjab, NWFP and Kashmir), Talpur rule in Sind, Khanate of Kalat in Baluchistan: 1800-1848 A.D. i.e. about 48 yrs.

            17. British rule: 1848-1947 A.D. i.e. about 99 yrs (1843-1947 in Sind).

            18. Muslim rule under the nomenclature of Pakistan: 1947-present.

            Comment


              #7
              Story of Pakistan

              Pakistani Tiger's Ideal Political Leader, M.A Jinnah!

              Quaid-e-Azam's Quote

              The Story of Pakistan, its struggle and its achievement, is the very story of great human ideas struggling to survive in the face of odds and difficulties.
              ALLAH PROTECT PAKISTAN FROM HATE MONGERS. AMEEN

              Comment


                #8
                INDEPENDENCE STRUGGLE

                By the eighteenth century, the power of the Mughal emperor had begun to decrease. As the Mughals grew weaker, the minor rulers in the north, the Rajputs, the Marathas, and the Sikhs became restless and joined forces and defeated the Mughal King. This was the end of the Mughal rule in the subcontinent, but it was also the beginning of the rise to power of the British. They gradually gained more and more power in the subcontinent. From the middle of the eighteenth century began 200 years of British rule, after the local princes have been defeated.

                The British came to the subcontinent as traders and ended up by bringing the whole region under their power. They introduced their language, architecture, politics and their ideas here. They built roads and railway lines, and large buildings. But the people of the subcontinent were never free, living under the rule of a foreign power.

                The people of the country certainly did not like the new rulers. They tried to fight the British. Many gave up their lives. These efforts at trying to overthrow the British did not succeed. It was because the poepl of the region were not united. One such example is the War of Independence, which was fought in 1857.

                The people thought that no progress can be made by fighting the British in this way. They joined hands and formed the Indian National Congress in 1885. It was the only All-India political organisation which stood for the attainment of self-government by peaceful means.. Day by day the indian national congress became stronger and stronger. The British now had to listen to their demands and had discussions with them. In 1942, Mohandas Gandhi started the Quit India Movement which urged the British to leave India. There was a majority of Hindus in the party. They advocated violence and sought to give a Hindu revivalist trend to the political struggle. Some leading Muslim rulers of the party felt that there was a rat in the Congress. So they started their own political party, The All-India Muslim League in 1906. Some of the well-known Muslim leaders and intellectuals of this time were Sir Syed Ahmed Khan, Maulana Mohammad Ali Jauhar, Nawab Viqarul Mulk and Allama Iqbal. The worked liberaly to unite the Muslims of the subcontinent. The most famous Muslim leader of this time was, however, Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah. After seeing the peculiar behaviour of the Congress he was convinced that the Hindus were pursuing a deliberate policy of which the ultimate, if not the immediate aim was Hindu domination over the whole subcontinent of India. So he resigned from Congress and joined the Muslim League.

                Thus, the task that awaited Jinnah was anything but easy. The Muslim League was dormant: primary branches it had none; even its provincial organisations were, for the most part, ineffective and only nominally under the control of the central organisation. Nor did the central body have any coherent policy of its own till the Bombay session (1936), which Jinnah organised.

                Jinnah devoted himself with singleness of purpose to organising the Muslims on one platform. He embarked upon country-wide tours. He pleaded with provincial Muslim leaders to sink their differences and make common cause with the League. He exhorted the Muslim masses to organise themselves and join the League. He gave coherence and direction to Muslim sentiments on the Government of India Act, 1935. He was, it seemed, struggling against time to make Muslim India a power to be reckoned with.

                Despite all the manifold odds stacked against it, the Muslim Leauge won some 108 (about 23 per cent) seats out of a total of 485 Muslim seats in the various legislature. Though not very impressive in itself, the League's partial success assumed added significance in view of the fact that the League won the largest number of Muslim seats and that it was the only all-India party of the Muslims in the country. Thus, the elections represented the first milestone on the long road to putting Muslim India on the map of the subcontinent. Congress in Power With the year 1937 opened the most mementous decade in modern Indian history. In that year came into force the provincial part of the Government of India Act, 1935, granting autonomy to Indians for the first time, in the provinces.

                The Congress, having become the dominant party in Indian politics, came to power in seven provinces exclusively, spurning the League's offer of cooperation, turning its back finally on the coalition idea and excluding Muslims as a kpolitical entity from the portals of power. In that year, also, the Muslim League, under Jinnah's dynamic leadership, was reorganised, transformed into a mass organisation, and made the spokesman of Indian Muslims as never before. Above all, in that momentous lyear were initiated certain trends in Indian politics, lthe crystallisation of which in subsequent years made the partition of the subcontinent inevitable. The practical manifestation of the policy of the Congress which took office in July, 1937, in seven out of eleven provinces, convinced Muslims that, in the Congress scheme of things, they could live only on sufferance of Hindus and as "second class" citizens. The Congress provincial governments had embarked upon a policy and launched a programme in which Muslims felt that their religion, language and culture were not safe. This Congress policy was seized upon by Jinnah to awaken the Muslims to a new consciousness, organize them on all-India platoform, and make them a power to be reckoned with. He also gave coherence, direction and articulation to their innermost, lyet vague, urges and aspirations. Above all, the filled them with his indomitable will, his own unflinching faith in their destiny.

                As a result of Jinnah's ceaseless efforts, the Muslims awakened from what Professor Baker calls(their) "unreflective silence" (in which they had so complacently basked for long decades), and to "the spiritual essence of nationality" that had existed among them for a pretty long time. Roused by the imapct of successive Congress hammerings, the Muslims, as Ambedkar (principal author of independent India's Constitution) says, "searched their social consciousness in a desperate attempt to find coherent and meaningful articulation to their cherished yearnings. To their great relief, they discovered that their sentiments of nationality had flamed into nationalism". In addition, not only lhad they developed" the will to live as a "nation", had also endwoed them with a territory which they could occupy and make a State as well as a cultural home for the newly discovered nation. These two pre-requisites, as laid down by Renan, provided the Muslims with the intellectual justification for claiming a distinct nationalism (apart from Indian or Hindu nationalism) for themselves. So that when, after their long pause, the Muslims gave expression to their innermost yearnings, these turned out to be in favour of a separate Muslim nationhood and of a separate Muslim state.

                "We are a nation", they claimed in the ever eloquent words of the Quaid-i-Azam- "We are a nation with our own distinctive culture and civilization, language and literature, art and architecture, names and nomenclature, sense of values and proportion, legal laws and moral code, customs and calandar, history and tradition, aptitudes and ambitions; in short, we have our own distinctive outlook on life and of life. By all canons of international law, we are a nation". The formulation of the Musim demand for Pakistan in 1940 had a tremendous impact on the nature and course of Indian politics. On the one hand, it shattered for ever the Hindu dreams of a pseudo-Indian, in fact, Hindu empire on British exit from India: on the other, it heralded an era of Islamic renaissance and creativity in which the Indian Muslims were to be active participants. The Hindu reaction was quick, bitter, malicious.

                Equally hostile were the British to the Muslim demand, their hostility having stemmed from their belief that the unity of India was their main achievement and their foremost contribution. The irony was that both the Hindus and the British had not anticipated the astonishingly tremendous response that the Pakistan demand had elicited from the Muslim masses. Above all, they faild to realize how a hundred million people had suddenly become supremely conscious of their distinct nationhood and their high destiny. In channelling the course of Muslim politics towards Pakistan, no less than in directing it towards its consummation in the establishment of Pakistan in 1947, non played a more decisive role than did Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah. It was his powerful advocacy of the case of Pakistan and his remarkable strategy in the delicate negotiations, that followed the formulation of the Pakistan demand, particularly in the post-war period, that made Pakistan inevitable.

                While the British reaction to the Pakistan demand came in the form of the Cripps offer of April, 1942, which conceded the principle of self-determination to provinces on a territorial basis, the Rajaji Formula (called after the eminent Congress leader C.Rajagopalacharia, which became the basis of prolonged Jinnah-Gandhi talks in September, 1944), represented the Congress alternative to Pakistan. The Cripps offer was rejected because it did not concede the Muslim demand the whole way, while the Rajaji Formula was found unacceptable since it offered a "moth-eaten, mutilated" Pakistan and the too appended with a plethora of pre-conditions which made its emergence in any shape remote, if not altogether impossible. Cabinet Mission The most delicate as well as the most tortuous negotiations, however, took place during 1946-47, after the elections which showed that the country was sharply and somewhat evenly divided between two parties- the Congress and the League- and that the central issue in Indian politics was Pakistan.

                These negotiations began with the arrival, in March 1946, of a three-member British Cabinet Mission. The crucial task with which the Cabinet Mission was entrusted was that of devising in consultation with the various political parties, a constitution-making machinery, and of setting up a popular interim government. But, because the Congress-League gulf could not be bridged, despite the Mission's (and the Viceroy's) prolonged efforts, the Mission had to make its own proposals in May, 1946. Known as the Cabinet Mission Plan, these proposals stipulated a limited centre, supreme only in foreign affairs, defence and communications and three autonomous groups of provinces. Two of these groups were to have Muslim majorities in the north-west and the north-east of the subcontinent, while the third one, comprising the Indian mainland, was to have a Hindu majority. A consummate statesman that he was, Jinnah saw his chance. He interpreted the clauses relating to a limited centre and the grouping as "the foundation of Pakistan", and induced the Muslim League Council to accept the Plan in June 1946; and this he did much against the calculations of the Congress and to its utter dismay.

                Tragically though, the League's acceptance was put down to its supposed weakness and the Congress put up a posture of defiance, designed to swamp the Leauge into submitting to its dictates and its interpretations of the plan. Faced thus, what alternative had Jinnah and the League but to rescind their earlier acceptance, reiterate and reaffirm their original stance, and decide to launch direct action (if need be) to wrest Pakistan. The way Jinnah manoeuvred to turn the tide of events at a time when all seemed lost indicated, above all, his masterly grasp of the situation and his adeptness at making strategic and tactical moves. Partition Plan By the close of 1946, the communal riots had flared up to murderous heights, engulfing almost the entire subcontinent. The two peoples, it seemed, were engaged in a fight to the finish. The time for a peaceful transfer of power was fast running out. Realising the gravity of the situation. His Majesty's Government sent down to India a new Viceroy- Lord Mountbatten. His protracted negotiations with the various political leaders resulted in 3 June.(1947) Plan by which the British decided to partition the subcontinent, and hand over power to two successor States on 15 August, 1947. The plan was duly accepted by the three Indian parties to the dispute- the Congress the League and the Akali Dal(representing the Sikhs). After seven years' hard struggle Jinnah redeemed his pledge to the nation. Pakistan, the fifth largest and the secong biggest Muslim state in the world was established.

                Quaid-e-Azam's Historic Message:

                "... Remember that the establishment of Pakistan is a fact of which there is no parallel in the history of the world. It is the largest Muslim state in the world and is destined to play its magnificient part year after year,as we go on, provided we serve Pakistan honestly, earnestly and selflessly."




                [This message has been edited by Jal_Pari (edited July 23, 2002).]

                Comment


                  #9
                  A TRIBUTE TO QUAID

                  Father of the Nation Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah's achievement as the founder of Pakistan, dominates everything else he did in his long and crowded public life spanning some 42 years. Yet, by any standard, his was an eventful life, his personality multidimensional and his achievements in other fields were many, if not equally great. Indeed, several were the roles he had played with distinction: at one time or another, he was one of the greatest legal luminaries India had produced during the first half of the century, an `ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity, a great constitutionalist, a distinguished parliamentarian, a top-notch politician, an indefatigable freedom-fighter, a dynamic Muslim leader, a political strategist and, above all one of the great nation-builders of modern times.


                  For over thirty years, he had guided their affairs; he had given expression, coherence and direction to their ligitimate aspirations and cherished dreams; he had formulated these into concerete demands; and, above all, he had striven all the while to get them conceded by both the ruling British and the numerous Hindus the dominant segment of India's population. And for over thirty years he had fought, relentlessly and inexorably, for the inherent rights of the Muslims for an honourable existence in the subcontinent. Indeed, his life story constitutes, as it were, the story of the rebirth of the Muslims of the subcontinent and their spectacular rise to nationhood, phoenixlike.

                  Early Life
                  Born on December 25, 1876, in a prominent mercantile family in Karachi and educated at the Sindh Madrassat-ul-Islam and the Christian Mission School at his birth place,Jinnah joined the Lincoln's Inn in 1893. Starting out in the legal profession with nothing to fall back upon except his native ability and determination, young Jinnah rose to prominence and became Bombay's most successful lawyer, as few did, within a few years. Once he was firmly established in the legal profession, Jinnah formally entered politics in 1905 from the platform of the Indian National Congress. He went to England in that year alongwith Gopal Krishna Gokhale (1866-1915), as a member of a Congress delegation to plead the cause of Indian self-governemnt during the British elections. A year later, he served as Secretary to Dadabhai Noaroji(1825-1917), the then Indian National Congress President, which was considered a great honour for a budding politician. Here, at the Calcutta Congress session (December 1906), he also made his first political speech in support of the resolution on self-government.

                  Political Career
                  Three years later, in January 1910, Jinnah was elected to the newly-constituted Imperial Legislative Council. All through his parliamentary career, which spanned some four decades, he was probably the most powerful voice in the cause of Indian freedom and Indian rights. Jinnah, who was also the first Indian to pilot a private member's Bill through the Council, soon became a leader of a group inside the legislature. Mr. Montagu (1879-1924), Secretary of State for India, at the close of the First World War, considered Jinnah "perfect mannered, impressive-looking, armed to the teeth with dialecties..."Jinnah, he felt, "is a very clever man, and it is, of course, an outrage that such a man should have no chance of running the affairs of his own country."

                  For about three decades since his entry into politics in 1906, Jinnah passionately believed in and assiduously worked for Hindu-Muslim unity. Gokhale, the foremost Hindu leader before Gandhi, had once said of him, "He has the true stuff in him and that freedom from all sectarian prejudice which will make him the best ambassador of Hindu-Muslim Unity: And, to be sure, he did become the architect of Hindu-Muslim Unity: he was responsible for the Congress-League Pact of 1916, known popularly as Lucknow Pact- the only pact ever signed between the two political organisations, the Congress and the All-India Muslim League, representing, as they did, the two major communities in the subcontinent.

                  The Congress-League scheme embodied in this pact was to become the basis for the Montagu-Chemlsford Reforms, also known as the Act of 1919. In retrospect, the Lucknow Pact represented a milestone in the evolution of Indian politics. For one thing, it conceded Muslims the right to separate electorate, reservation of seats in the legislatures and weightage in representation both at the Centre and the minority provinces. Thus, their retention was ensured in the next phase of reforms. For another, it represented a tacit recognition of the All-India Muslim League as the representative organisation of the Muslims, thus strengthening the trend towards Muslim individuality in Indian politics. And to Jinnah goes the credit for all this. Thus, by 1917, Jinnah came to be recognised among both Hindus and Muslims as one of India's most outstanding political leaders. Not only was he prominent in the Congress and the Imperial Legislative Council, he was also the President of the All-India Muslim and that of lthe Bombay Branch of the Home Rule League. More important, because of his key-role in the Congress-League entente at Lucknow, he was hailed as the ambassador, as well as the embodiment, of Hindu-Muslim unity.

                  Constitutional Struggle
                  In the ever-growing frustration among the masses caused by colonial rule, there was ample cause for extremism. But, Gandhi's doctrine of non-cooperation, Jinnah felt, even as Rabindranath Tagore(1861-1941) did also feel, was at best one of negation and despair: it might lead to the building up of resentment, but nothing constructive. Hence, he opposed tooth and nail the tactics adopted by Gandhi to exploit the Khilafat and wrongful tactics in the Punjab in the early twenties. On the eve of its adoption of the Gandhian programme, Jinnah warned the Nagpur Congress Session (1920): "you are making a declaration (of Swaraj within a year) and committing the Indian National Congress to a programme, which you will not be able to carry out". He felt that there was no short-cut to independence and that Gandhi's extra-constitutional methods could only lead to political terrorism, lawlessness and chaos, without bringing India nearer to the threshold of freedom.

                  The future course of events was not only to confirm Jinnah's worst fears, but also to prove him right. Although Jinnah left the Congress soon thereafter, he continued his efforts towards bringing about a Hindu-Muslim entente, which he rightly considered "the most vital condition of Swaraj". However, because of the deep distrust between the two communities as evidenced by the country-wide communal riots, and because the Hindus failed to meet the genuine demands of the Muslims, his efforts came to naught. One such effort was the formulation of the Delhi Muslim Proposals in March, 1927. In order to bridge Hindu-Muslim differences on the constitutional plan, these proposals even waived the Muslim right to separate electorate, the most basic Muslim demand since 1906, which though recognised by the congress in the Lucknow Pact, had again become a source of friction between the two communities. surprisingly though, the Nehru Report (1928), which represented the Congress-sponsored proposals for the future constitution of India, negated the minimum Muslim demands embodied in the Delhi Muslim Proposals.

                  In vain did Jinnah argue at the National convention (1928): "What we want is that Hindus and Mussalmans should march together until our object is achieved...These two communities have got to be reconciled and united and made to feel that their interests are common". The Convention's blank refusal to accept Muslim demands represented the most devastating setback to Jinnah's life-long efforts to bring about Hindu-Muslim unity, it meant "the last straw" for the Muslims, and "the parting of the ways" for him, as he confessed to a Parsee friend at that time. Jinnah's disillusionment at the course of politics in the subcontinent prompted him to migrate and settle down in London in the early thirties. He was, however, to return to India in 1934, at the pleadings of his co-religionists, and assume their leadership. But, the Muslims presented a sad spectacle at that time. They were a mass of disgruntled and demoralised men and women, politically disorganised and destitute of a clear-cut political programme.

                  Muslim League Reorganised
                  Thus, the task that awaited Jinnah was anything but easy. The Muslim League was dormant: primary branches it had none; even its provincial organisations were, for the most part, ineffective and only nominally under the control of the central organisation. Nor did the central body have any coherent policy of its own till the Bombay session (1936), which Jinnah organised. To make matters worse, the provincial scene presented a sort of a jigsaw puzzle: in the Punjab, Bengal, Sindh, the North West Frontier, Assam, Bihar and the United Provinces, various Muslim leaders had set up their own provincial parties to serve their personal ends. Extremely frustrating as the situation was, the only consulation Jinnah had at this juncture was in Allama Iqbal(1877-1938), the poet-philosopher, who stood steadfast by him and helped to charter the course of Indian politics from behind the scene.

                  Undismayed by this bleak situation, Jinnah devoted himself with singleness of purpose to organising the Muslims on one platform. He embarked upon country-wide tours. He pleaded with provincial Muslim leaders to sink their differences and make common cause with the League. He exhorted the Muslim masses to organise themselves and join the League. He gave coherence and direction to Muslim sentiments on the Government of India Act, 1935. He advocated that the Federal Scheme should be scrapped as it was subversive of India's cherished goal of complete responsible Government, while the provincial scheme, which conceded provincial autonomy for the first time, should be worked for what it was worth, despite its certain objectionable features. He also formulated a viable League manifesto for the election scheduled for early 1937. He was, it seemed, struggling against time to make Muslim India a power to be reckoned with.

                  Despite all the manifold odds stacked against it, the Muslim Leauge won some 108 (about 23 per cent) seats out of a total of 485 Muslim seats in the various legislature. Though not very impressive in itself, the League's partial success assumed added significance in view of the fact that the League won the largest number of Muslim seats and that it was the only all-India party of the Muslims in the country. Thus, the elections represented the first milestone on the long road to putting Muslim India on the map of the subcontinent. Congress in Power With the year 1937 opened the most mementous decade in modern Indian history. In that year came into force the provincial part of the Government of India Act, 1935, granting autonomy to Indians for the first time, in the provinces.

                  The Congress, having become the dominant party in Indian politics, came to power in seven provinces exclusively, spurning the League's offer of cooperation, turning its back finally on the coalition idea and excluding Muslims as a kpolitical entity from the portals of power. In that year, also, the Muslim League, under Jinnah's dynamic leadership, was reorganised de novo, transformed into a mass organisation, and made the spokesman of Indian Muslims as never before. Above all, in that momentous lyear were initiated certain trends in Indian politics, lthe crystallisation of which in subsequent years made the partition of the subcontinent inevitable. The practical manifestation of the policy of the Congress which took office in July, 1937, in seven out of eleven provinces, convinced Muslims that, in the Congress scheme of things, they could live only on sufferance of Hindus and as "second class" citizens. The Congress provincial governments, it may be remembered, had embarked upon a policy and launched a programme in which Muslims felt that their religion, language and culture were not safe. This blatantly aggressive Congress policy was seized upon by Jinnah to awaken the Muslims to a new consciousness, organize them on all-India platoform, and make them a power to be reckoned with. He also gave coherence, direction and articulation to their innermost, lyet vague, urges and aspirations. Above all, the filled them with his indomitable will, his own unflinching faith in their destiny.

                  Demand for Pakistan
                  "We are a nation", they claimed in the ever eloquent words of the Quaid-i-Azam- "We are a nation with our own distinctive culture and civilization, language and literature, art and architecture, names and nomenclature, sense of values and proportion, legal laws and moral code, customs and calandar, history and tradition, aptitudes and ambitions; in short, we have our own distinctive outlook on life and of life. By all canons of international law, we are a nation". The formulation of the Musim demand for Pakistan in 1940 had a tremendous impact on the nature and course of Indian politics. On the one hand, it shattered for ever the Hindu dreams of a pseudo-Indian, in fact, Hindu empire on British exit from India: on the other, it heralded an era of Islamic renaissance and creativity in which the Indian Muslims were to be active participants. The Hindu reaction was quick, bitter, malicious.

                  Cripps Scheme
                  While the British reaction to the Pakistan demand came in the form of the Cripps offer of April, 1942, which conceded the principle of self-determination to provinces on a territorial basis, the Rajaji Formula (called after the eminent Congress leader C.Rajagopalacharia, which became the basis of prolonged Jinnah-Gandhi talks in September, 1944), represented the Congress alternative to Pakistan. The Cripps offer was rejected because it did not concede the Muslim demand the whole way, while the Rajaji Formula was found unacceptable since it offered a "moth-eaten, mutilated" Pakistan and the too appended with a plethora of pre-conditions which made its emergence in any shape remote, if not altogether impossible. Cabinet Mission The most delicate as well as the most tortuous negotiations, however, took place during 1946-47, after the elections which showed that the country was sharply and somewhat evenly divided between two parties- the Congress and the League- and that the central issue in Indian politics was Pakistan.

                  These negotiations began with the arrival, in March 1946, of a three-member British Cabinet Mission. The crucial task with which the Cabinet Mission was entrusted was that of devising in consultation with the various political parties, a constitution-making machinery, and of setting up a popular interim government. But, because the Congress-League gulf could not be bridged, despite the Mission's (and the Viceroy's) prolonged efforts, the Mission had to make its own proposals in May, 1946. Known as the Cabinet Mission Plan, these proposals stipulated a limited centre, supreme only in foreign affairs, defence and communications and three autonomous groups of provinces. Two of these groups were to have Muslim majorities in the north-west and the north-east of the subcontinent, while the third one, comprising the Indian mainland, was to have a Hindu majority. A consummate statesman that he was, Jinnah saw his chance. He interpreted the clauses relating to a limited centre and the grouping as "the foundation of Pakistan", and induced the Muslim League Council to accept the Plan in June 1946; and this he did much against the calculations of the Congress and to its utter dismay.

                  Tragically though, the League's acceptance was put down to its supposed weakness and the Congress put up a posture of defiance, designed to swamp the Leauge into submitting to its dictates and its interpretations of the plan. Faced thus, what alternative had Jinnah and the League but to rescind their earlier acceptance, reiterate and reaffirm their original stance, and decide to launch direct action (if need be) to wrest Pakistan. The way Jinnah manoeuvred to turn the tide of events at a time when all seemed lost indicated, above all, his masterly grasp of the situation and his adeptness at making strategic and tactical moves. Partition Plan By the close of 1946, the communal riots had flared up to murderous heights, engulfing almost the entire subcontinent. The two peoples, it seemed, were engaged in a fight to the finish. The time for a peaceful transfer of power was fast running out. Realising the gravity of the situation. His Majesty's Government sent down to India a new Viceroy- Lord Mountbatten. His protracted negotiations with the various political leaders resulted in 3 June.(1947) Plan by which the British decided to partition the subcontinent, and hand over power to two successor States on 15 August, 1947. The plan was duly accepted by the three Indian parties to the dispute- the Congress the League and the Akali Dal(representing the Sikhs).

                  After Independence
                  In recognition of his signular contribution, Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah was nominated by the Muslim League as the Governor-General of Pakistan, while the Congress appointed Mountbatten as India's first Governor-General. Pakistan, it has been truly said, was born in virtual chaos. Indeed, few nations in the world have started on their career with less resourcesand in more treacherous circumstances. The new nation did not inherit a central government, a capital, an administrative core,or an organized defence force. Its social and administrative resources were poor;there was little equipment and still less statistics. The Punjab holocaust had left vast areas in a shambles with communications desrupted. This, alongwith the en masse mirgration of the Hindu and Sikh business and managerial classes, left the economy almost shattered.

                  The Quaid's last Message
                  It was, therefore, with a sense of supreme satisfaction at the fulfilment of his mission that Jinnah told the nation in his last message on 14 August, 1948: "The foundations of your State have been laid and it is now for you to build and build as quickly and as well as you can". In accomplishing the task he had taken upon himself on the morrow of Pakistan's birth, Jinnah had worked himself to death, but he had, to quote richard Symons, "contributed more than any other man to Pakistan's survivial". He died on 11 September, 1948. How true was Lord Pethick Lawrence, the former Secretary of State for India, when he said, "Gandhi died by the hands of an assassin; Jinnah died by his devotion to Pakistan".

                  A man such as Jinnah, who had fought for the inherent rights of his people all through his life and who had taken up the somewhat unconventional and the largely mininterpreted cause of Pakistan, was bound to generate violent opposition and excite implacable hostility and was likely to be largely misunderstood. But what is most remarkable about Jinnah is that he was the recepient of some of the greatest tributes paid to any one in modern times, some of them even from those who held a diametrically opposed viewpoint.

                  The Aga Khan considered him "the greatest man he ever met", Beverley Nichols, the author of `Verdict on India', called him "the most important man in Asia", and Dr. Kailashnath Katju, the West Bengal Governor in 1948, thought of him as "an outstanding figure of this century not only in India, but in the whole world". While Abdul Rahman Azzam Pasha, Secretary General of the Arab League, called him "one of the greatest leaders in the Muslim world", the Grand Mufti of Palestine considered his death as a "great loss" to the entire world of Islam. It was, however, given to Surat Chandra Bose, leader of the Forward Bloc wing of the Indian National Congress, to sum up succinctly his personal and political achievements. "Mr Jinnah",he said on his death in 1948, "was great as a lawyer, once great as a Congressman, great as a leader of Muslims, great as a world politician and diplomat, and greatestof all as a man of action, By Mr. Jinnah's passing away, the world has lost one of the greatst statesmen and Pakistan its life-giver, philosopher and guide". Such was Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah, the man and his mission, such the range of his accomplishments and achievements.

                  Long Live Quaid!




                  [This message has been edited by Jal_Pari (edited July 23, 2002).]

                  Comment


                    #10
                    LIAQUAT ALI KHAN

                    (1895-1951), first prime minister of Pakistan (1947-1951). He was born in Karnal, India. He was the son of the late Ruknuddaullah Shamsher Jang Nawab Rustam Ali Khan. The family owned landed estates in the Punjab and the United Provinces. He graduated from Aligarh in 1915, took his M.A degree from the Exeter College at Oxford in 1921. At Oxford he took an active part in political debates and was treasurer of Indian Majlis.

                    He joined the All-India Muslim Leaguein 1923. For his selfless efforts and devotion to the league he became secretary-general of the Muslim League and chief aide to its president, Muhammad Ali Jinnah in 1936. From 1940, he worked to popularize the "Pakistan Resolution" and build support for an independent Pakistan, separate from India.

                    He became prime minister of the new nation in 1947. He was assassinated on October 16, 1951 while he was addressing a rally. His last words were "May God keep Pakistan Safe"

                    Comment


                      #11
                      THE WORD 'PAKISTAN'

                      Rahmat Ali first published the word 'PAKSTAN' on January 28, 1933 in the pamphlet 'Now or Never'. By the end of 1933, the word had become common vocabulary through the efforts of Rahmat Ali's Pakistan National Movement. An ''I' was added to ease pronouncement (like Afghan-i-stan). In his book 'Pakistan: the Fatherland of the Pak Nation', Rahmat Ali gives a fuller explanation of the word.

                      WORD
                      'NOW OR NEVER'
                      'FATHERLAND'
                      URDU LETTER
                      MEANING

                      P
                      Punjab
                      Punjab
                      Pai
                      Pure, clean.

                      Holy, as in Qur'an-pak.

                      A
                      Afghania (NWFP)
                      Afghania
                      Alif

                      K
                      Kashmir
                      Kashmir
                      Kaf

                      I

                      Iran
                      Vowel 'I'


                      S
                      Sindh
                      Sindh
                      Seen


                      Land / land of.

                      T


                      BalochisTAN
                      Tukharistan
                      Thai

                      A
                      Afghanistan
                      Alif

                      N
                      BalochistaN
                      Nun




                      EXPLANATION

                      The originator of the name, Rahmat Ali, says:

                      " 'Pakistan' is both a Persian and an Urdu word. It is composed of letters taken from the names of all our homelands- 'Indian' and 'Asian'. That is, Panjab, Afghania (North West Frontier Province), Kashmir, Iran, Sindh (including Kach and Kathiawar), Tukharistan, Afghanistan, and Balochistan. It means the land of the Paks- the spiritually pure and clean. It symbolizes the religious beliefs and ethnical stocks of our people; and it stands for all the territorial constituents of our original Fatherland. It has no other origin and no other meaning; and it does not admit of any other interpretation. Those writers who have tried to interpret it in more than way have done so either through the love of casuistry, or through ignorance of its inspiration, origin and composition" (C.R. Ali, 1947, "Pakistan: the Fatherland of the Pak Nation", Cambridge).


                      Full text of Rahmat Ali's Pakistan Declaration (January 28, 1933). Compare this with the All-India Muslim League's vague Lahore (Pakistan) Resolution seven years later (March 24, 1940).

                      NOW OR NEVER: ARE WE TO LIVE OR PERISH FOR EVER?

                      "Verily, Allah does not change the condition of a people (In-nal laaha laa yughay-yiru maa bi-qawmin) unless they change their inner selves (hatta yughay-yiru maa bi-anfusihim)", Qur'an, Surah Ra'd 13:11.

                      At this solemn hour in the history of India, when British and Indian statesmen are laying the foundations of a Federal Constitution for that land, we address this appeal to you, in the name of our common heritage, on behalf of our thirty million Muslim brethren who live in PAKSTAN - by which we mean the five Northern units of India, Viz: Punjab, North-West Frontier Province (Afghan Province), Kashmir, Sind and Baluchistan - for your sympathy and support in our grim and fateful struggle against political crucifixion and complete annihilation.

                      Our brave but voiceless nation is being sacrificed on the altar of Hindu Nationalism not only by the non-Muslims, but to the lasting disgrace of Islam, by our own so-called leaders, with reckless disregard to our guture and in utter contempt of the teachings of history. The Indian Muslim Delegation at the Round Table Conference have committed an inexcusable and prodigious blunder. They have submitted, in the name of Hindu Nationalism, to the perpetual subjection of the ill-starred Muslim nation. These leaders have already agreed, without any protest or demur and without any reservation, to a Constitution based on the principle of an All-India Federation. This, in essence, amounts to nothing less than signing the death-warrant of Islam and its future in India. In doing so, they have taken shelter behind the so-called Mandate from the community.

                      But they forgot that that suicial Mandate was framed and formulated by their own hands. That Mandate was not the Mandate of the Muslims of India. Nations never give Mandates to their representatives to barter away their very souls; and men of conscience never accept such self-anhilating Mandates, if given - much less execute them. At a time of crisis of this magnitude, the foremost duty of saving statemanship is to give a fair, firm and fearless lead, which, alas, has been persistently denied to eighty millions of our co-religionists in India by our leaders during the last seventy-five years. These have been the years of false issues, of lost opportunities and of utter blindness to the most essential and urgent needs of the Muslim interests. Their policy has throughout been nerveless in action and subservient in attitude. They have all along been paralysed with fear and doubt, and have deliberately, time and again, sacrificed their political principles for the sake of opportunism and expediency. To do so even at this momentous juncture of Bedlam. It is idle for us not to look this tragic truth in the face. The tighter we shut our eyes, the harder the truth will hit us.

                      At this critical moment, when this tragedy is being enacted, permit us to appeal to you for your practical sympathy and active support for the demand of a separate Federation - a matter of life and death for the Muslims of India - as outlined and explained below.

                      India, constituted as it is at the present moment, is not the name of one single country; nor the home of one single nation. It is, in fact, the designation of a State created for the first time in history, by the British. It includes peoples who have never previously formed part of India at any period in its history; but who have, on the other hand, from the dawn of history till the advent of the British, possessed and retained distinct nationalities of their own.

                      In the five Northern Provinces of India, out of a total population of about forty millions, we, the Muslims, contribute about 30 millions. Our religion, culture, history, tradition, economic system, laws of inheritance, succession and marriage are basically and fundamentally different from those of the people living in the rest of India. The ideals which move our thirty million brethren-in-fath living in these provinces to make the highest sacrifices are fundamentally different from those which inspire the Hindus. These differences are not confined to the broad basic principles - far from it. They extend to the minutest details of our lives. We do not inter-dine; we do not inter-marry. Our national customs, calendars, even our diet and dress are different.

                      It is preposterous to compare, as some superficial observers do, the differences between Muslims and Hindus with those between Roman Catholics and Protestants. Both the Catholics and Protestants are part and parcel of one religious system - Christianity; while the Hindus and Muslims are the followers of two essentially and fundamentally different religious systems. Religion in the case of Muslims and Hindus is not a matter of private opinion as it is in the case of Christians; but on the other hand constitutes a Civic Church which lays down a code of conduct to be observed by their adherents from birth to death.

                      If we, the Muslims of Pakstan, with our distinct marks of nationality, are deluded into the proposed Indian Federation by friends or foes, we are reduced to a minority of one to four. It is this which sounds the death-knell of the Muslim nation in India for ever. To realise the full magnitude of this impending catastrophe, let us remind you that we thirty millions constitute about one-tenth of whole Muslim world. The total area of the five units comprising PAKSTAN, which are our homelands, is four times that of Italy, three times that of Germany and twice that of France; and our population seven times that of the Commonwealth of Australia, four times that of the Dominion of Canada, twice that of Spain, and equal to France and Italy considered individually.

                      These are facts - hard facts and realities - which we challenge anybody to contradict. It is on the basis of these facts that we make bold to assert without the least fear of contradiction that we, Muslims of PAKSTAN, do possess a separate and distinct nationality from the rest of India, where the Hindu nation lives and has every right to live. We, therefore, deserve and must demand the recognition of a separate national status by the grant of a separate Federal Constitution from the rest of India.

                      In addressing this appeal to the Muslims of India, we are also addressing it to the two other great interests - British and Hindu - involved in the settlement of India's future. They must understand that in our conviction our body and soul are at stake. Our very being and well-being depends upon it. For our five great Northern states to join an All-India Federation would be disastrous, not only to ourselves, but to every other race and interest in India, including the British and the Hindu.

                      This is more especially ture when there is just and reasonable alternative to the proposed settlement, which will lay the foundations of a peaceful future for this great continent; and should certainly allow of the highest development of each of these two peoples without one being subject to another. This alternative is a separate Federation of these five predominantly (sic) Muslim units - Punjab, North-West Frontier (Afghan Province), Kashmir, Sind and Baluchistan.

                      The Muslim Federation of North-West India would provide the bulwark of a buffer state against any invasion either of ideas or arms from outside. The creation of such a Federation would ot materially disturb the ratio of the Muslim and Hindu population in the rest of India. It is wholly to the interest of British and Hindu statesmanship to have an ally a free, powerful and contented Muslim nation having a similar but separate Constitution to that which is being enacted for the rest of India. Nothing but a separate Federation of homelands would satisfy us.

                      This demand is basically different from the suggestion put forward by Doctor Mohammed Iqbal in his Presidential address to the Al-India Muslim League in 1930. While he proposed the amalgamation of the provinces into a single state forming a unit of the All-India Federation, we propose that these Provinces should have a separate Federation of their own. There can be no peace and tranquility in the land if we, the Muslims, are duped into a Hindu-dominated Federation where we cannot be the masters of our own destiny and captains of our own souls.

                      Do the safeguards provided for in the Constitution give us any scope to work for our salvation along our own lines ? Not a bit. Safeguard is the magic word which holds our leaders spellbound, and has dulled their consciences. In the ecstasy of their hallucinations they think that the pills of safeguards can cure nation-anhilating earthquakes. Safeguards asked for by these leaders and agreed to by the makers of the Constitution can never be a substitute for the loss of separate nationality. We, the Muslims, shall have to fight the course of suicidal insanity to death.

                      What safeguards can be devised to prevent our minority of one in four in an All-India Federation from being sacrificed on every vital issue to the aims and interests of the majority race, which differs from us in every essential of individual and corporate life ? What safeguards can prevent the catastrophe of the Muslim nation smarting and suffering eternally at the frustration of its every social and religious ideal ? What safeguards can compensate our nation awakened to its national conscious for the destruction of its distinct national status ? However effective and extensive the safeguards may be, the vital organs and proud symbols of our national life, such as army and navy, foreign relations, trade and commerce, communications, posts and telegraphs, taxation and customs, will not be under our control, but will be in the hands of a Federal Government, which is bound to be overwhelmingly Hindu. With all this, how can we, the Muslims, achieve any of our ideals if those ideals conflict - conflict as they must - with the ideals of Hindus ?

                      The history of the last century, in this respect, is full of unforgettable lessons for us. Even one who runs may read them. To take just one instance. Despite all these safeguards and gurantees we have enjoyed in the past, the very name of our national language - URDU, even now the lingua franca of that great continent - has been wiped out of the list of Indian languages. We have just to open the latest census report to verify it. This by itself is a tragic fall. Are we fated to fall farther ? But that too is dust in the scales by comparison with the tremendous national issues involving our whole future as a nation and a power not only India but also in the whole of Asia.

                      In the face of these incontrovertible facts, we are entitled to ask for what purpose we are being asked to make the supreme sacrifice of surrendering our nationality and submitting ourselves and our posterity to Non-Muslm domination ? What good is likely to accrue to Islam and Muslims by going into the Federation is a thing which passes our understanding. Are we to be crucified just to save the faces of our leaders or to bolster up the preposterous that India can be a single nation ? Is it with a view to achieve a compromise at all costs, or is it to support the illusion that Hindu nationalism is working in the interests of Muslims as well as Hindus ? Irony is flattered to death by a mental muddle of such a nature and on such a scale. We have suffered in the past without a murmur and faced dangers without demur. The one thing we would never suffer is our own strangulation. We will not crucify ourselves upon the cross of Hindu nationalism in order to make a Hindu-holiday.

                      May we be permitted to ask of all those statesmen - Muslim or British or Hindu - supporting the Federal Constitution, if it is really desirable to make our nation sacrifice all that Islam has given us during the last fourteen hundred years to make India a nation ? Does humanity really stand to gain by this stupendous sacrifice ? We dare say that still in Islam the ancient fire glows and promises much for the future, if only the leaders would let it live. Whilst in Europe, excluding Russia, in about the same area as that of India and with about the same population, there live and prosper as many as twenty-six nations, with one and the same religion, civilisation and economic system, surely it is not only possible but highly desirable for two fundamentally different and distinct nations, i.e. Muslim and Hindu, to live as friendly neighbours in peace and prosperity in that vast continent. What bitter irony is it that our leaders have not the courage to stand up and demand the minimum for our political salvation.

                      We are face to face with a first-rate tragedy, the like of which has not have been seen in the long and eventful history of Islam. It is not the question of a sect or of a community going down; but it is the supreme problem which affects the destiny of the whole of Islam and the millions of human beings who, till quite recently, were the custodians of the glory of Islam in India and the defenders of its frontiers. We have a still greater future before us, if only our soul can be saved from the perpetual bondage of slavery forged in an All-India Federation. Let us make no mistake about it. The issue is now or never. Either we live or perish for ever. The future is ours only if we live up to our faith. It does not lie in the lap of the gods, but it rests in our own hands. We can make or mar it. The history of the last century is full of open warnings, and they are as plain as were ever given to any nation. Shall it be said of us that we ignored all these warnings and allowed our ancient heritage to perish in our hands ?

                      Rahmat Ali (Choudhary).
                      Mohd Aslam Khan (Khattak). President, Khyber Union.
                      Sheikh Mohd Sadiq (Sahibzada).
                      Inayat Ullah Khan (of Charsaddah). Secretary, Khyber Union.

                      3 Humberstone Road, Cambridge, 28th January, 1933

                      src :- http://www.pakistanhistory.com/

                      ------------------
                      AK

                      Comment


                        #12
                        Lets add to this collection. Articles needed on Allama Iqbal.

                        Comment


                          #13
                          IQBAL IN YEARS

                          Ü Towards the end of the eighteenth or the beginning of the nineteenth century Iqbal's ancestors migrated from Kashmir and settled down in Sialkot, in Mohalla Khatikan.

                          1877 9 November Iqbal was born in Sialkot.

                          Ü He obtained his early education in the maktab of Maulana Ghulam Hasan and Allama Syed Mir Hasan.

                          Ü He was admitted to Mission High School, Sialkot.

                          Ü "While he was at school he started composing verses." (Sir Abdul Qadar).

                          1891 * As a student of Mission High School, Sialkot, he passed the Anglo-Vernacular Middle School Examination from the Punjab University. 1892

                          * Started composing verses in a regular way. His ghazal was published in the November issue of Zaban, Delhi; This ghazal is so far considered his earliest published ghazal.

                          1893 * He went to Gujrat to take the Entrance (High School) Examination.

                          * Passed the High School Examination in the First Division from Scotch Mission High School, Sialkot, and was awarded medal and scholarship.

                          April Married Karim Bibi (the mother of Aftab Iqbal the daughter of Khan Bahadur Ata Mohammed Khan, the civil surgeon of Gujrat.

                          7 May Was admitted to the First Year (class XI) in Scotch Mission High School.

                          1895 * As a student of Scotch, Mission High School he passed the Intermediate Examination of the Punjab University in the Second Division.

                          * Came to Lahore was admitted to B.A. class in Government College stayed in the Oriental Hostel (now Iqbal Hostel) in Room No. 1.

                          December Participated in -Urdu Bazm-i-Mushaira", held in Andaroon-i-Bhati Darwaza.

                          1896 * Became a member of the Anjuman-i-Kashmiri Musalmanan, Lahore.

                          1897 * Passed his B.A. Examination in the Second Division; stood First in Arabic and was awarded the Khan Bahadur F. S. JaIaluddin Medal.

                          1898 December Was admitted to the First Year class of Lahore Law School. He took the Law Examination but failed in Fiqah (Religious Jurisprudence).

                          1899 * Did M.A. in Philosophy and was placed in the 'third Division.

                          * Shifted from Quadrangle Hostel, Room No 1, to a house in Andaroon-i-Bhati Gate, Koocha Jalootian.

                          13 May Was appointed Macleod Arabic Reader in Oriental College, Lahore.

                          12 November Became a member of the Anjuman-i-Himayat-i-Islam, Lahore.

                          * Aftab Iqbal was born.

                          1900 24 February Recited his famous poem "Nala-i-Yateem" in the annual meeting of the Anjuman-i-Himayat-i-Islam.

                          1901 1 January Was appointed to teach English at Islamia College, Lahore, for six months.

                          24 February Recited the poem "Dard-i-Dil" in the annual meeting of the Anjuman-i-Himayat-i-Islam.

                          April The poem "Himala" was published in the first issue of Makhzan.

                          1 July Iqbal came back to his old job in Oriental College, Lahore.

                          * Took the Extra Assistant Commissionership Examination but was rejected by the Medical Board.
                          * Participated in the Kashmiri Conference which was presided over by Nawab Sir Saleemullah.

                          1902 23 February Recited the poem "Islamia College Ka Khitab Punjab Ke Musalmanon Ko" in the annual meeting of the Anjuman-i-Himayat-i-Islam. The Chairman of the meeting, Miyan Nizamuddin, Sub-Judge, Rawalpindi, bestowed upon him the title of "Malik-ul-Shuara."
                          August Iqbal thought of going to America for higher studies.
                          3 October was appointed to teach English at Government College, Lahore, for six months.
                          1903 1 March Recited the poem "Faryad-i-Ummat" in the annual meeting of the Anjunian-i-Himayat-i-Islam.
                          3 April The term of his services at Government College, Lahore expired.
                          3 June Iqbal was appointed Assistant Professor of Philosophy in Government College, Lahore.
                          * His first book Ilumul Iqtisad was published.
                          1904 August Visited his elder brother, Sheikh Ata Mohammad, in Abbotabad in the summer vacations. There, on the request of friends, Iqbal gave a lecture on "National Life." To this visit we owe the poem "Abr" in Bang-i-Dara.
                          1905 * Took Study Leave from Government College, Lahore.
                          1 September Proceeded to Europe for higher studies.
                          2 September Arrived at Delhi; visited the shrine of Nizamuddin, Aulia and the tomb of Ghalib.
                          3 September Left Delhi.
                          4 September Arrived at Bombay.
                          7 September Left Bombay by ship for London.
                          24 September Reached London.
                          25 September Reached Cambridge.
                          * Admission to Trinity College, Cambridge.
                          1907 * Took the B. A. Degree of Cambridge University.
                          1 June Attended Professor Arnold's Dinner at Cambridge.
                          July Proceeded to Germany in the third week.
                          * Completed his Ph.D. thesis, "The Development of Metaphysics in Persia," during his stay at Heidelberg and Munich. Was awarded Ph. D. degree by the Munich University.
                          1908 * Taught Arabic at London University for some time.
                          1 July Was called to the Bar.
                          27 July On his return to Lahore, Sheikh Gulab Din gave a Reception Dinner in his honour at Bagh Bairoon-i-Bhati Darwaza.
                          * Iqbal Stayed in a house in Mohan Lal Road (now Urdu Bazar).
                          1 August In Sialkot, the citizens gave him a warm Reception.
                          October He shifted his residence to a house in Anarkali.
                          30 October The Chief Court of the Punjab gave him permission to practise law.
                          * The Anjuman-i-Kashmiri Musalmanan, Lahore, was revived and Iqbal was appointed its Secretary.
                          December A delegation of the Anjuman-i-Kashmiri Musalmanan was led by Iqbal to meet Nawab Sir Saleemullah at Amritsar.
                          * The Development of Metaphysics in Persia was published.
                          1909 6 February Iqbal was elected General Secretary of the Anjuman-i-Kashmiri Musalmanan, Lahore.
                          24 February Was appointed a member of the Anjuman-i Himayat-i-Islam for three years.
                          May Was appointed the Acting Professor of Philosophy at Government College, Lahore.
                          1910 2 February Was appointed a member of the General Council of the Anjuman-i-Himayat-i- Islam.
                          18 March Proceeded on a journey to the South.
                          * At Hyderabad he met Maharaja Sir Kishan Prasad "Shad" and Sir Akbar Haideri.
                          29 March Returned to Lahore.
                          April Recited his poem "Shikwa" in presence of his father, Sheikh Noor Mohammed, at the annual meeting of the Anjuman-i-Himayat-i-Islam.
                          * Presided over the third meeting of the All India Mohammedan Educational Conference, at Delhi.
                          1912 16 April Recited the poem -Shama aur Shair" at the annual meeting of tile Anjuman-i-Himayat-i-Islam.
                          1913 7 September Arrived at Kanpur; met the Collector. Kanpur, in connexion with the demolition of a mosque-Khwaja Hasan Nizami accompanied him.
                          8 September Arrived at Allahabad; met Akbar Allahabadi. Arrived at Delhi; met Hakim Ajmal Khan.
                          * Tarikhi-i-Hind was published-for which Iqbal collaborated with Lala Ram Prasad, Professor, Government College, Lahore.
                          * Iqbal recited the poem "Jawab-i-Shikwa" in a public meeting held at Bagh Bairoon-i- Mauchi Darwaza, Lahore.
                          1914 * Married Sardar Begum (mother of Javed Iqbal) - his second marriage.
                          9 November Iqbal's mother, Imam Bibi, expired in Sialkot.
                          December Married Mukhtar Begum - his third marriage.
                          1915 17 January Letter to Maulana Girami "I am losing interest in writing poetry in Urdu. I feel more disposed towards writing poetry in Persian, and the reason is that I cannot fully express the pent-up feelings of my heart in Urdu."
                          17 October Iqbal's daughter, Miraj Begum, born of his first wife, died.
                          * Asrar-i-Khudi was published.
                          1916 30 January Iqbal was elected member of the General Council of the Anjuman-i-Himayat-i-Islam.
                          14 July Letter to Syed Fasihullah Kazmi regarding the reaction of certain circles to Asrar-i-Khudi "I am of the opinion that the poetry of Hafiz, in particular, as well as Persian poetry, in general, has had a very depressing effect on the character and general life of the Muslims. For this reason I have written against Hafiz, I expected that people would oppose and abuse me, but my conscience would compel me to speak out the truth."
                          1917 13 November Letter to Syed Sulaiman Nadvi ,,Even the very concept of tasawwuf is an alien plant on the soil of Islam, one which has been brought up in the intellectual climate. of Ajamis (non-Arabs, specially Persians)."
                          1918 * For some time Iqbal taught. Philosophy at Islamia College, Lahore.
                          * Ramooz-i-Bekhudi was published.
                          1919 14 December He was appointed the General Secretary of the Anjuman-i-Himayat-i-Islam.
                          30 December Delivered a speech in favour of the Turks in a public meeting held at Bairoon-i-Mauchi Darwaza and presided over by Miyan Fazal Husain.
                          1920 31 March Was again elected the General Secretary of the Anjuman-i-Himayat-i-Islam.
                          * The English Translation of Asrar-i-Khudi, by Professor Nicholson, was published in London.
                          1921 7 September Letter to Wahid Ahmad ,The truth is that the European ethos made me a Muslim."
                          1922 16 April Iqbal recited the poem "Khizr-i-Rah" at the annual meeting of the Anjuman-i-Himayat-i-Islam.
                          31 July He resigned from the post of the Honorary General Secretary of the Anjuman-i- Himayat-i-Islam.
                          1 September Letter to Ibrahim Hanif "It is a long time since I have given tip the study of Philosophy."
                          14 October He was elected member of the General Council of the Anjuman-i-Himayat-i-Islam.
                          December Towards the end of the month he shifted his residence to a house in Macleod Road.
                          * The first book on Iqbal, A Voice from the East, by Nawab Sir ZuIfiqar Ali, was published.
                          1923 1 January Iqbal was awarded Knighthood by the British Government.
                          4 January Letter to Ghulam Bheck Nairang (in connexion with the award of Knighthood) "Such events are too low to arouse any feelings. I have received hundreds of letters and telegrams, and I am wondering why people regard these things as valuable ... By the glorious. God... no power in the world can prevent me from speaking out the truth."
                          17 January A Reception was given in his honour by the citizens of Lahore at Maqbara-i-Jehangir. He made a speech at a Reception organised by the Philosophical Society of Government College, Lahore.
                          30 March He recited the poem "Tulu-i-Islam" at the annual meeting of the Anjuman-i-Himayat-i-Islam.
                          24 June Letter to Zamindar -To have Bolshevik ideas is, in my opinion, to debar oneself from the premises of Islam. Both the Capitalism of the West and the Bolshevism of Russia are results of extremism. The way of moderation is one that has been taught by Quran."
                          8 July Iqbal was appointed the Secretary General of the Anjuman-i-Himayat-i-Islam for the second time.
                          * Payam-i-Mashriq was published.
                          1924 19 May He resigned from the post of the Secretary Gencral of the Anjuman-i-Himayat-i-Islam and was elected the President of the Anjuman.
                          28 July Resigned from the Presidentship of the Anjuman.
                          September Bang-i-Dara was published.
                          15 October Javed Iqbal was born.
                          19 October Journey to Ludhiana.
                          21 October His third wife, Makhtar Begum, died in Ludhiana.
                          1926 20 July While contesting the membership of the Punjab Legislative Assembly, he made the following statement "I have been aloof from all such activities. But now the miseries of the community are compelling me to broaden my sphere of activity. May be, my humble existence is of some use to this community."
                          23 November Iqbal was elected member of the 'Punjab Legislative Assembly.
                          * The first Urdu book on Iqbal, Iqbal, by Maulvi Ahmaduddin Vakil, was published.
                          1927 24 March Iqbal presided over a meeting held at Habibia Hall (Mirza Bashiruddin Mahmood spoke on "Religion and Science").
                          16 April Iqbal gave a Lecture in English on -The Spirit of Islamic Culture" at the annual meeting of the Anjuman-Islam.
                          May He was appointed the Convenor of the Relief Committee instituted following the Hindu-Muslim riots of Dabbi Bazar, Lahore.
                          * The Persian Text Book for High School students, Aina-i-Ajam, was published.
                          June Zaboor-i-Ajam was published.
                          * Iqbal actively participated in the functioning of the Punjab Legislative Assembly.
                          1928 8 April He gave a lecture on -,Islamic Philosophy'' at the annual meeting of the Anjuman-i-Humayat-i-Islam
                          * Gave his Presidential Address on "A Plea for the Deeper Study Of the Muslim Scientists" at a meeting of the Oriental Congress, Lahore.
                          December After attending a meeting of the All Parties Muslim Conference, at Delhi, Iqbal made a journey to South India via Bombay From where lie took a sea-route - Chaudhry Mohd. Husain and Abdullah Chughtai were his fellow-travellers.
                          1929 7 January At Madras he spoke at a Reception organized by the Anjuman-i-Khawatin-i-Islam.
                          9 January At Bangalore he attended a Reception organized by the members of the Muslim Library and the Anjuman
                          10 January He arrived at Mysore. At Mysore University lie gave his Lecture on -Knowledge and Religious Experience."
                          11 January At Mysore Town Hall he attended a Reception organized by the Muslims of Mysore City and the Yateem Khana-i-Islamia.
                          * Visited the tomb of Sultan Tipu Shaheed.
                          15 January Arrived at Hyderabad.
                          * Gave three Lectures on different topics.
                          18 January Met the Nizam of Deccan.
                          14 April Back in Lahore he gave a lecture on "The Study of the Quran" at the annual meeting of the Anjuman-iHimayat-i-Islam.
                          May His name was proposed for the post of Judge, Punjab High Court, but he was not appointed owing to the opposition of the Chief Justice.
                          13 November He attended a meeting of the Union of the Aligarh Intermediate College.
                          December Proceeded on a visit to Aligarh in the last week of the month.
                          1930 17 August Iqbal's father, Sheikh Noor Mohammed, expired.
                          * The collection of his English lectures, Six Lectures on the Reconstruction of Religious Thought in Islam was published.
                          29 December He presented the concept of a federation of the Muslim Majority Provinces at the annual meeting of the All India Muslim League held at Allahabad.
                          1931 April Attended the All Parties Muslim Conference held at Delhi.
                          8 September Proceeded to London to attend the Second Round Table Conference.
                          10 September Arrived at Bombay.
                          12 September Left for London by the ship Maluja.
                          27 September Reached London; stayed at St James's Palace (Ghulam Rasool "Mehr" joined him on 1st October).
                          7 October He attended the Lunch given by the Ex-Prime Minister of Iran, Syed Ziauddin Tabatabai.
                          8 October Attended the Lunch given by the Secretary of the Iraqi Council, Afzal Bey.
                          9 October Attended the Dinner given by the Ambassador of Albania.
                          10 October Attended a Dinner in the company of some distinguished Indians.
                          12 October Sir Dany Ross called on him.
                          14 October He attended a Dinner in honour of the Indian Delegation at Ritz Hotel.
                          16 October Attended the Anniversary Function of the Coronation of King Nadir Shah at the Afghan Embassy. Ghazi Rauf Bey and Saeed Shamul met him.
                          23 October Attended a Dinner given by the Nawab of Chhatari.
                          4 November Addressed an academic meeting organized by tile Indian Society.
                          18 November Visited Cambridge; met Professor Dickinson and his other teachers; and attended a Reception given in his honour.
                          * Attended a Reception given by the Iqbal Literary Association.
                          21 November He participated in tile Round Table Conference from 28 September to 20 November, and then departed from London. He halted at Paris for some hours - Sardar Umrao Singh and Iqbal Shaidai met him.
                          22 November Arrived at Rome; was received by Dr. Scarpa, the Ex-Consul General of Italy in India, who was his great admirer.
                          23 November Visited the historical monuments of Rome.
                          24 November Called at the office of The Italian Encyclopedia and met the editor, Professor Gentley.
                          25 November Met the exiled king of Afghanistan, Shah Amanullah Khan.
                          26 November Addressed the Royal Academy of Italy (see the text in Letters and Writings of Iqbal by Bashir Ahmad Dar, pp. 80-82).
                          27 November Met Mussolini and gave him the following advice "Turn away from Europe towards the East."
                          28 November Went to Naples and saw the ruins of Pompeii.
                          29 November Arrived at Brindisi.
                          30 November Left Brindisi by the ship Victoria.
                          1 December Arrived at Alexandria and met the members of the Shabanul Muslimin Society; arrived at Cairo in the evening; stayed at the Metropolitan Hotel; met Egyptian scholars and nobles; went to see the Pyramids.
                          3 December Met Dr. Mohd. Husain Haikal and other important persons.
                          4 December Visited the Egyptian museums and historical monuments.
                          5 December Left Cairo for Jerusalem by train.
                          6 December Reached Jerusalem; stayed at the Grand Hotel; attended the Inaugural Session of the Motamar Alam-i-Islami.
                          7 December Was elected the Vice-President of the Motamar.
                          14 December Was engaged for the whole week in the activities of the Motamar. Visited the holy places. His last speech at the Motamar "When you return to your country, spread the spirit of brotherhood everywhere, and pay special attention to the youth."
                          15 December Left Jerusalem for India via Port Said.
                          28 Decernber Arrived at Bombay; met Atiyya Faizi at Aivan-i-Rifat in the evening; left Bombay by train.
                          30 December 30 December
                          1932 1 March Iqbal spoke at a Reception organized by the Islamic Research Institute (Secretary Khwaja Abdul Waheed) in the garden of the Lahore Town Hall.
                          6 March The first Iqbal Day was celebrated under the auspices of the Islamic Research Institute, Lahore, at Y.M.C.A. Hall.
                          21 March Gave his Presidential Address at a meeting of the All India Muslim Conference held at Bagh Bairoon-i-Mauchi Darwaza.
                          20 June Resigned from the Presidentship of the All India Kashmir Committee.
                          August Maulana Anwar Shah Kashmiri called on him.
                          17 October Iqbal proceeded to London to attend the Third Round Table Conference.
                          24 November A Reception was given in his honour by the National League at London.
                          30 December After participating in the Conference he left London.
                          1933 * Met Bergson in Paris.
                          January Reached Spain in the first week of the month. Visited Masjid-i-Qartaba "My visit to the Mosque elevated me to such a height of feeling as I had never attained to before" (Letter to Sheikh Mohd. Akram).
                          24 January Gave a Lecture oil "The Intellectual World of Islam and Spain" at Madrid University.
                          26 January Reached Paris.
                          1 February Left Paris.
                          February Came back to Lahore.
                          18 March Presided over a meeting at Jamia Millia Islamia, Dehli - the speech of Ghazi Rauf Pasha.
                          15 April Gave a speech- at Jamia Millia Islamia attended the Dinner given by Professor Mohammed Mujeeb.
                          20 October On the invitation of King Nadir Shah a threemember delegation proceeded to Afghanistan; it consisted of Iqbal, Syed Sulaiman Nadvi and Sir Ross Masood Barrister Ghulam Rasool accompanied Iqbal as his Secretary and Ali Baksh as his servant.
                          23 October Reached Kabul; stayed at the Royal Guest House, Darul Aman.
                          * Met King Nadir Shah.
                          26 October Attended the Dinner given by Sadr-i-Azam (the Grand Vizier), Sardar Hashim.
                          27 October Offered the Juma Prayers at Jama Masjid Pull Khisti; met Mulla Shor Bazar.
                          28 October Attended a Tea Party given by the Defence Minister, Shah Mahmood Khan. Spoke at a Reception organized by Anjuman-i-Adabi, Kabul.
                          29 October Met the Foreign Minister, Sardar Faiz Mohd. Khan.
                          30 October Left Kabul. Reached Ghaznain and visited the tombs of Hakim Sanai, Mahmood Ghaznavi and the father of Data Ganj Baksh.
                          3 November Came back to Lahore via Quetta.
                          4 December Was awarded D.Litt. degree by the Punjab University-was the first Indian to get this Degree.
                          1934 10 January On I'd Day, the weather being very cold, Iqbal took Sivayyan with curd. He got throat trouble-the beginning of his long illness.
                          11 June Went to Delhi to consult Hakim Nabina.
                          29 June Visited Sarhind and took Javed Iqbal with him.
                          1 July Was elected the President of the Anjuman-i-Himayat-i-Islam.
                          5 December Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru visited him.
                          22 December Reached Delhi, and then Aligarh.
                          1935 January Bal-i-Jibril was published.
                          29 January Proceeded on his way to Bhopal to undergo electric therapy
                          30 January Arrived at Delhi. Presided over a meeting at Jamia Millia Islamia - the meeting was addressed by Khalida Adib Khanam. Left Delhi that evening.
                          31 January Reached Bhopal; stayed at Riaz Manzil.
                          10 March Returned to Lahore after undergoing electric therapy at Bhopal.
                          * Nawab Hameedullah Khan of Bhopal awarded a monthly Pension of Rs. 500 to Iqbal.
                          11 May Letter to Lama "At your instance Tagore came to Lahore to meet me and enquire after my health, but I was not there and therefore I could not meet him."
                          * Iqbal shifted his residence to his own house, Javed Manzil, in New Road (Now Allama Iqbal Road).
                          25 May His wife (mother of Javed Iqbal) died.
                          7 July Letter to Lama "My health is all right, but I feel I am running down day by day."
                          15 July Proceeded to Bhopal for a second course of the electric therapy; Javed Iqbal and Ali Baksh accompanied him.
                          17 July Reached Bhopal, stayed at Sheesh Mafial.
                          30 August Returned to Lahore after undergoing electric therapy in Bhopal.
                          October Attended the Birth Centenary Celebrations of Hali at Panipet.
                          11 December Letter to Ross Masood "The money settled on me by the Nawab of Bhopal is sufficient for me ... An undue desire for money is avarice which does not become a Muslim in any way. I feel shy to accept this amount (which the Agha Khan had offered to settle on him)."
                          1936 * Zarb-e-Kalim was published.
                          29 February Proceeded to Bhopal for a third course of the electric therapy.
                          2 March Reached Bhopal, stayed at Sheesh Mafial.
                          9 April Returned to Lahore after undergoing electric therapy in Bhopal.
                          12 April Attended the function of rhe Anjuman-i-Himayat-i-Islam for the last time and recited his poem "Naghma-i-Sarmadi."
                          April Mr Mohammad Ali Jinnah came to Lahore to meet him. Iqbal was elected the President of the Punjab Muslim League.
                          1937 15 January Letter to Ross Masood "It was my intention to visit the shrine of the Holy Prophet this year; but certain circumstances have prevented me. I hope that next year I shall be doing Haj and also presenting myself at the shrine of the Holy Prophet."
                          27 January Iqbal gave a Dinner in honour of the visiting Egyptian scholars at Spencer Hotel (Montgomery Road).
                          28 April Was elected the President of the Anjuman-i-Himayat-i-Islam.
                          13 June Letter to Sir Akbar Haideri "The only- desire that keeps pricking my heart is that I may go to Mecca for Haj and thence proceed to' present myself at the shrine of that being whose infinite devotion to God has been a source of solace and inspiration for me."
                          1 July Resigned from the Presidentship of the Anjuman on account of illness.
                          2 December Letter to Syed Miran Shah "Thank God you are well and busy in the preparations for Haj. May God bless you in this journery ... I wish I could accompany you, but alas ! for me tile days of separation are not over as yet. I am not worthy of being called to the shrine of the Holy Prophet."
                          1938 1 January Radio Message for the New Year "All tile expanses of time and- space are shrinking to-day. But in spite of all progress, in these days the forces of expioitation have put on veils of Democracy, Communism, Fascism and what not. Behind these veils the values of Freedom and Humanity are being vitiated all around the world in a way that is unparallelled even in the darkest page of history... We must begin the new year with the prayer that the Merciful God may bestow upon the rulers humanity and love of the human race."
                          9 January Iqbal Day was celebrated under the auspices of the Inter-Collegiate Brotherhood in Lahore.
                          16 February Letter to Dr. Muzaffaruddin . "Mr. Haideri did me the further favour of awarding Rs. 1000 from the Exchequer of the Nizam on Iqbal Day, which money I could not accept,"
                          21 April Iqbal expired in Javed Manzil. at 5-15 a.m.
                          November His last collection, Armughan-i-Hijaz, was published.
                          1950 February The construction of Iqbal's tomb was completed according to the plan of Nawab Zainjang Bahadur.


                          ------------------
                          "#define QUESTION ((bb) | | !(bb))" ó Shakespeare
                          I am only responsible for what I say, not for what you understand.

                          Comment


                            #14
                            Articles needed on Sir Syed Ahmed Khan, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, and Chaudhry Rehmat Ali.

                            Also needed articles describing the formation of the All India Muslim League.

                            Comment


                              #15
                              http://www.storyofpakistan.com/artic...asp?artid=A031

                              Establishment of All India Muslim League [1906]


                              On December 30, 1906, the annual meeting of Mohammadan Educational Conference was held at Dacca under the chairmanship of Nawab Viqar ul Mulk. Almost three thousand delegates attended the session making it the most representative ever gathering of Muslim India. For the first time the conference lifted itís ban on political discussion, when Nawab Salim ullah Khan presented a proposal to establish a political party to safeguard the interests of the Muslims - All India Muslim League.
                              So far three factors had kept the Muslims away from the Congress - Sir Syedís advice to the Muslims to give it a wide berth, the Hindu agitation against the partition of Bengal and the Hindu religious revivalismís hostility towards the Muslims. The Muslims remained loyal to Sir Syedís advice but events were fast changing the Indian scene and politics was being thrust on all sections of the population.

                              Besides these, the motivating factors were that the Muslim intellectual class wanted representation; the masses needed to unite at one platform and it was through the dissemination of western thought of John Locke, Milton, Thomas Paine, etc. at the MAO College that initiated the emergence of Muslim nationalism.
                              With the establishment of All India Muslim League with itís headquarters at Lucknow, it elected Sir Aga Khan as itís President. It also elected six vice presidents, a secretary and two joint secretaries for a term of three years. Itís initial membership was four hundred in fixed proportions of the provinces. The constitution of the League known as the "Green Book" was written by Maulana Muhammad Ali Johar. Itís branches were also setup in other provinces. Syed Ameer Ali established a branch of the League in London in 1908, supporting the same objectives.

                              The Muslim League was established with the following objectives:

                              1. To inculcate among Muslims a feeling of loyalty to the Government and to disabuse their minds of mis-understandings and misconceptions out of itís actions and intentions.

                              2. To protect and advance the political rights and interests of the Muslims of India and to represent to the Government from time to time, their needs and aspirations.

                              3. To prevent the growth of ill-will between Muslims and other nationalities without prejudice to itís own purposes.

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