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    lawless frontier

    www.theatlantic.com/issues/2000/09/kaplan.htm

    #2
    Nothing new.....was pasted here before...do a search on it in Gupp.

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    *We are the Taleban-Resistance is Futile*
    Sin: Osama Bin Junior

    Comment


      #3
      yes, "it is nothing new". These friends have already succumbed to the reality

      Comment


        #4
        Originally posted by kumarakn:
        yes, "it is nothing new". These friends have already succumbed to the reality
        yup.....ruled your country for 800 years...beat your a$$es like gazillion times

        who did you rule? yup.......no one........jay gandhi jaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaay gandhiiiiiiiiiii

        ------------------
        *We are the Taleban-Resistance is Futile*
        Sin: Osama Bin Junior

        [This message has been edited by yOuNgBrAt (edited February 25, 2001).]

        Comment


          #5
          analyze,kumar ,young brat,....
          Atlantic,Observer in India,Sword of truth(lol)web site ,they are synonymous with islam -muslim-pakistan,bashing
          Its my open & proven policy to suspect the MOTIVE of writer by there name Kaplan,Bernard Lewis,mostly jewish writers,Arun Shourie,Varsha Bhosle,like writers have an axe to grind & MUSLIMS should not waste there time in reading them no more than to detect the drift.It always is against Islam ,by history of hatred of Islam increasingly over the years since Last 1500 years.
          AS simple as that .If some one reads this, IT will benfit him million times & save billion times the time it took to read this my bro.

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          barque(bijli) yoon akadti hai apne karname pe ke
          jaise phir naya hum aashiyaan bana nahi sakte

          [This message has been edited by Azad Munna (edited February 25, 2001).]

          Comment


            #6
            From today's dawn, opinion column.

            The same view is shared by Pakistanis as well.

            Peaceful democracy or violent zealotry?

            By Kunwar Idris


            IT is a continuing paradox of Pakistan's politics that every new declaration on democracy takes it closer to authoritarianism. That was the result of Ayub's basic democracy as also of Zia-ul-Haq's Islamic brand. Musharraf has chosen to call it "genuine" democracy. The result, the people fear, would be no different.

            The paradox is not confined to the political system. Every law or decree issued to promote Islamic values has exacerbated pain and conflict in society. Sectarian killings, corruption and crime have become more brutal and rampant.

            On a less deadly, but in a way more beneficial plane, Sindh government's income from the sale of liquor and other intoxicants since their complete prohibition has gone up from 65 million to 900 million rupees. This 14 times increase in revenue should correspond to similar increase in consumption. The other provincial governments must have reaped similar windfall. The bootleggers in Islamabad, it is well known, stocked up as the parliament's session approached each time.

            When interest on certain types of financial transactions was replaced by profit-loss sharing, the cost of borrowing for the small businesses and home-builders went up, yet the banks and DFIs went under. Only the party bosses, their cronies and crooks made fortunes. The trepidation of the investors and the people at the approach of complete abolition of interest will not be dispelled by the verbal, vague assurances given by the Chief Executive and his finance minister.

            Despite the enormous harm done by this approach, the zeal to make society more democratic and puritan remains undiminished. In the vanguard of the reform, as in the past, are the military and the clergy. Since the lesson of history is too obvious to be ignored, a suspicion inevitably arises that the motivating force this time too, as in the past, is the class interest and not the interest of the public at large. From the government the people need material help and expect justice. They can well take care of their own morality and traditions.

            To allege that behind the facade of genuine democracy - in plain words district government - lurks new authoritarian rule does not cause much concern, for no government answered that description better than the government that General Musharraf overturned. The 14th Amendment to the Constitution (penalty for defection from parliamentary party) made the prime minister virtually a dictator. The 15th amendment would have raised him to the status of a demi-god (as the sole interpreter of the laws of the Quran and Sunnah overriding the Constitution) had the senate not blocked its passage.

            The Musharraf government has the time and capability barely enough to make the present system work rather than change it. Its total concentration on changing the system is aggravating incompetence and irresponsibility in public service, generating fractious political debates and tussles incriminating the government.

            The structural change General Musharraf wishes to bring about can be made possible only by devolving power and resources from the centre to the provinces and on to the districts. For that the Constitution has to be amended. The military administration has neither the need nor the mandate to do that.

            The voter turnout in the first phase of the local body polls by all accounts, other than the Election Commission, was abysmally low; the local councils in their composition of parties and clans are but a microcosm of the provincial and national assemblies; the minorities abstained from voting in protest against the separate electorates; and most women seats went uncontested or remained vacant altogether.

            The new councillors in their first meeting with the Sindh governor asked for grant to get going. The governor told them to raise their own resources for the provincial government itself was in deficit. People would not pay more taxes. The problem which the authors of the local government plan brushed aside has, thus, come to the surface before the councils have come into being.

            The central and most important feature of the devolution plan must be the redistribution of taxes among the central, provincial and local governments. The provincial finance commissions on which much reliance is being placed would come up with the same answer as Governor Soomro did - the provisional governments have no funds to spare and the local councils would be unable to raise their own. The game would end there.

            Despite these discouraging indicators, the government is pressing ahead with its flawed electoral and governance experiment while the drift and defiance grow in the country.

            With the mainstream political parties being leaderless and breaking up, the fringe extremists are creating conditions and projecting an image which the government and the people will be hard put to dispel. By their statements, not always backed by actions, the zealots are only confirming what India alleges - which is that Pakistan is training terrorists and exporting terrorism. Here are some instances from the recent press reports.

            Hafiz Saeed, the chief of Lashkar-i-Tayyaba claims to be raising a guerilla force to liberate Muslim communities wherever they may be repressed and to introduce an Islamic order all over the world.

            Mufti Nizamuddin Shamzai says it is the religious duty of every Muslim to help the Afghans. On the other hand, the world media highlights the massacre of 300 unarmed Hazara Muslims by the invading Taliban when they captured Bamiyan in the north last month. And while thousands of Afghans are dying of hunger and cold, the ruling Taliban prepare for a massive assault on the bit of territory held by the of Northern Alliance.

            The press and TV pictures show the Christian, not the Muslim, planes and volunteers bringing food and clothing for the battle-weary, starving people of Afghanistan. Yet Hamid Gul, a retired general but serving zealot, is worried about the contemplated restrictions on the forcible collection of funds to finance jihad, not to save the dying women and children.

            The age-old traditional and secular festival of Basant has been dubbed a Hindu rite. A columnist of an Urdu daily has traced its origin to a 19th century blasphemer named Hemat Raj Dharmi. To the people it is just flying kites and making merry to mark the arrival of spring when nothing else happens to make merry about. Amazingly, firing in the air on the occasion of Basant once in a year arouses greater ire of the religious leaders than round-the-year firing to kill people in places of worship.

            The images of pain and grief at home, in Kashmir and in Afghanistan are taking a heavy toll of the people's emotions and the nation's image. The vast majority of the victims are Muslims. The Mujahideen who are risking torture and death to liberate Kashmir must always keep in view whether the Kashmiris would like to exchange India's military repression for Pakistan's violent zealotry. In accession to Pakistan they would hope for peace and economic gain.

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